By Amy Westervelt
This week, the U.S. Supreme Court preemptively ruled that the Biden administration can’t enact the Clean Power Plan—or anything else that would force a shift to lower-emission energy sources—without approval from Congress.
You read that correctly: preemptively ruled.
The case the court chose to hear, West Virginia v. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA), involved a policy that had not been implemented, nor replaced with anything similar. But just in case the administration was even thinking about it, the Supreme Court decided to weigh in. It’s an unprecedented move, and one that restricts the federal agency tasked with environmental protection from following science. That fact was further underscored in Justice Kagan’s dissent, which took the case out of the weeds of the particular Clean Air Act section in question and placed it back into reality: the science is unambiguous on climate, and the impacts will be unprecedented, surely now is not the time to quibble about whether “clean air” explicitly means maintaining a livable atmosphere?
While nowhere near as sweeping and terrible a ruling some of us were bracing for, the decision—written for the 6-3 majority by Chief Justice John Roberts—is still deeply troubling.
First, the “good” news: It does not restrict the EPA from regulating greenhouse gas emissions in general. Nor does it restrict the EPA from regulating the emissions of existing power plants. It does not offer a broad advisory on how the Clean Air Act may or may not be used with respect to CO2 emissions (and yes, there are other sections of the Clean Air Act that could apply; more on that in a minute). In one part, Roberts even seems to suggest that the Department of Energy take up the work of shifting power generation, leaving the EPA to handle only emissions.
In general, the ruling focuses rather narrowly on Section 111D of the Clean Air Act, and whether it allows the EPA to regulate beyond the fence line of each individual power plant. Roberts also called out the Clean Power Plan as an attempt to create a cap-and-trade system for carbon without Congress explicitly authorizing such a thing.
While a lot of folks in the climate space expected this case to overturn the Massachusetts v EPA verdict, which authorized the EPA to regulate greenhouse gas emissions, Roberts never mentions it. Instead, though, he references something more chilling: “Under our precedents, this is a major questions case.”
If you’re unfamiliar, ‘major questions’ refers to a completely judge-created doctrine that allows Supreme Court justices to weigh in whenever they feel a regulatory agency has done something that has an “extraordinary” impact on economics or politics. It’s the reverse of the “Chevron deference,” another phrase that came up a lot in discussion of this case, which holds that in absence of explicit direction from Congress on how a regulatory agency should interpret and implement a given law, it’s up to the agency’s discretion and the court should not impose its own interpretation. Despite the conservative justices supposed allegiance to a “textual” or “originalist” view of the Constitution, their use of “major questions” has zero roots in precedence, history, or the Constitution itself. It’s a relatively modern creation that the conservative bench has suddenly been referencing a lot as an excuse to weigh in on virtually anything (in this session alone, they used it to strike down vaccine mandates, eviction moratoriums, and now emissions regulations).
What the reference here makes very clear is that the justices plan to keep invoking “major questions” doctrine in their effort to dismantle the “administrative state,” which includes every federal agency that drafts and enforces regulations based on laws passed by Congress. The idea from hardcore federalists is that you don’t need agencies when you have state governments ready and willing to interpret and enforce Congress’s will. In fact, pushing all these regulations on to the states is a disastrous approach for most environmental issues: what happens when a power plant in one state dumps coal ash into a water source that’s then carried to another state, for example? Pollution doesn’t observe borders. And while some state and local governments have been major leaders on climate policy, that progress has often been enabled, incentivized, and guided by federal policy.
So, where does this leave us?
The West Virginia v EPA ruling is about the least-bad ruling we could have expected, but it’s a harbinger of worse to come, especially once the court sinks its teeth into a case without all the bizarre twists and turns of this one. A case focused on the Clean Water Act is coming up next session, for example. It’s also important to note that West Virginia v EPA didn’t come from some poor, cash-strapped coal producer who was worried about how the Clean Power Plan would affect their business. It was a case crafted very strategically by the Republican Attorneys General Association. At the time that the case was filed, Scott Pruitt was Attorney General of Oklahoma and led RAGA. He met with failing coal producers in early 2015, then helped coordinate and file the case in November 2015, right around the time those very same coal producers made large contributions to the RAGA coffers. Then, as Trump’s EPA head, Pruitt drafted a proposal in early 2017 to repeal the Clean Power Plan. In that proposal, he introduced the idea that the Clean Power Plan represented a “major question” that ought to be answered by Congress, not a regulatory agency. It’s the very same argument Chief Justice Roberts repeated this week in his defense of the court taking up this case.
RAGA is behind a significant number of the constitutional challenges currently before the court, including the one that took down Roe. Funded by various industries that AGs are supposed to, you know, regulate—including the fossil fuel industry—they look for ways to file cases that will help restructure the government in a way that benefits corporations.
Until the court does its worst, the EPA still has some options. Even within the Clean Air Act itself, for example, Section 115 requires EPA to regulate international air pollutants upon receipt of “reports, surveys or studies” from an international agency that indicate that air pollutants emitted in the U.S. could “reasonably be anticipated to endanger public health or welfare in a foreign country.” The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reports and their increasingly urgent warnings would certainly seem to qualify.
Outside the Clean Air Act, the Toxic Substances Control Act also provides some options. Roberts wrote in his West Virginia v EPA opinion that the EPA is no expert on energy production, and this its oversight of the power sector should be limited. It is the government’s expert on chemicals though, and greenhouse gasses could certainly be considered toxic substances. A petition filed with the EPA earlier this month asked the agency to make a determination about the risk greenhouse gasses pose to human health and the environment, and then to commence rulemaking to mitigate that risk. Unlike the Clean Air Act, TSCA includes very explicit language about the authority it grants to the EPA, and could even get around this thorny “major questions” issue given its explicit language around the agency ignoring political or economic impacts when rulemaking.
"This sort of problem is exactly the thing TSCA was designed for," explained former EPA scientist Donn Viviani, one of the recent petitioners. (The others include climate scientist Dr. James Hansen, and climate accountability expert Richard Heede.) "Congress knew that there were problems out there that a single program couldn't handle and that we needed something more expansive. It was designed to take care of things that the other laws weren't properly taking care of. And if you look back at the history of climate, it's quite clear that none of the other laws are taking care of this.”
The ruling also removes any doubt who we’re dealing with; it confirms that this court will absolutely try to kneecap attempts to address climate change. Which doesn’t mean that we throw up our hands in despair so much as that we prepare for the literal fight of our lives. If you need to despair for a bit, take that time, but please, come back ready to fight —and organize and vote this November. Because actually the easiest way to curb SCOTUS’s power is a Congress that will pass climate legislation.
P.S. If you haven’t listened to this week’s podcast episode about the case and the rest of the SCOTUS madness, fix that today!
They Literally Set the Ocean on Fire, Y’all
By Mary Annaise Heglar
The past six or so years have been filled with so much hard-to-believe bullshit, it’s felt like a surrealist nightmare. And I’m learning that “hard to believe” can quickly turn into “hard to remember,” which is why it’s important that we take the time to commemorate the absurd—not only so that we don’t forget, but so that the people in power don’t just get away with it.
Why, yes, I am talking about the time Pemex (or Petróleos Mexicanos) set the ocean on fire last summer.
On July 2, 2022, a Pemex-owned pipeline ruptured in the Gulf of Mexico, erupting in a fiery whirlpool that looked like an actual volcano had opened on top of the water. It legit looked like that river of slime scene from Ghostbusters—except it was real and it was the ocean. Though the fire was put out in five hours (according to official reports), there was a quick moment there where we were worried about having a full blown hurricane at the exact same time that the ocean…was on fire.
How, on earth, is deepwater drilling still a thing? And how is Pemex still a company?
What’s wilder than the ocean catching on fire is having the ocean catch on fire and everyone just forgets about it and moves on. It’s bad enough that it happened, worse that nothing changed as a result, but it is utterly unacceptable that it be forgotten. We have control over that last one. So, from whatever social media platform you frequent, take a moment to look up Pemex (here’s Twitter and Instagram) and let them know that you know what they did last summer.
West Virginia Wasn’t the Only Climate Decision from the Supreme Court
By Mary Annaise Heglar
So, the Supreme Court has been…kinda in the headlines lately, unleashing all sorts of fresh hell on to the timeline and rolling back rights like hot cakes. I’ll let Amy and her expertise talk about the Big Climate Case for the week, but I wanted to take just a quick moment to talk about one of the less terrible decisions that came out of the highest court in the land: Biden vs. Texas.
In this case, essentially, a judge in Texas ordered that the Biden administration reinstate the Trump-era Remain in Mexico policy that held that any migrants coming to the United States to seek asylum have to either be held in detention or… somewhere that is not in the United States. Thus, “remain in Mexico.” While the Court theoretically sided with the Biden administration, they did so in a way that will effectively leave the case in a constant state of bureaucracy. The decision could be batted up and down from the lower to the higher courts until the foreseeable end of the Biden administration.
Herein lies the danger of letting Trump pack literally all the courts with his appointees.
While all eyes are on West Virginia, I really don’t want the climate crowd to lose track of this case either. Not only because this is about human beings and we should care, but because, as we love to say here at Hot Take, this too is climate change. Between devastating extreme weather events like hurricanes and fires to the more slow-moving events like drought, climate change is one of the biggest drivers of migration all over the world. So many of the migrants who find themselves at our southern borders aren’t even from Latin America. Many are from as far away as Africa and Asia, places where climate change has made it too hot to sweat, let alone grow food.
This is going to get worse and it’s yet another example of the choice we have when it comes to responding to climate change: cruelty or compassion. If we want to go with compassion, we’re going to have to fight for it.
Rising Temperatures, Rising Tides
Heat Waves Around the World Push People and Nations 'to the Edge' - The New York Times, by Raymond Zhong
Supreme Court Rules For Polluters In West Virginia v EPA, by Molly Taft for Earther
Like a Bird on a Wire That Starts a Wildfire, by Carolyn Wilke for The New York Times
June heat waves smash records across the globe | Grist, by Lina Tran for Grist
The Supreme Court's climate decision came out of a decades-long campaign to kneecap regulation, by Julia Kane for Grist
Yellowstone to Weigh Climate Change Risks When Rebuilding From Flood - The New York Times, by Jim Robbins
Alaska Set Ablaze in Record-Breaking Wildfire Season, by Angely Mercado for Earther
'Bloody' Snow Is Another Ominous Signal of Climate Change, by Angely Mercado for Earther
Heat Kills Thousands of Cows in Kansas, by Molly Taft for Earther
The Court vs. the Climate - The New York Times, by David Leonhardt
Think Car Exhaust Is Bad? Wait 'Til You Hear About Tire Pollution, by Angely Mercado for Earther
The climate math just got harder - The New York Times, by Manuela Andreoni
The Climate Presidency
Joe Biden Is Not the Fighter America Needs | The Nation, by Jeet Heer
Biden's Gas Tax Holiday Plan Is Nonsensical | The New Republic, by Kate Aronoff
With Climate Agenda Stalled at Home, Biden Still Hopes to Lead Abroad - The New York Times, by David Gelles
Biden Administration Offers an Offshore Drilling Plan. Likely Backers: Very Few. - The New York Times, by Lisa Friedman
As Federal Climate-Fighting Tools Are Taken Away, Cities and States Step Up - The New York Times, by Maggie Astor
What gas prices do — and don't — tell us about the economy, by Rebecca Leber for Vox
Biden proposes more offshore drilling in the Gulf of Mexico and Alaska | Grist, by Emily Pontecorvo
Court Decision Leaves Biden With Few Tools to Combat Climate Change - The New York Times, by Coral Davenport
The Supreme Court's EPA Ruling Was the Kicker in a Week of Terrible Climate News | The New Republic, by Kate Aronoff
Gas Piped Into Homes Contains Benzene and Other Risky Chemicals, Study Finds - The New York Times, by Elena Shao
Neighborhoods Wrecked by Racist Freeway Construction Could Get a Boost From New Biden Fund, by Lauren Leffer for Earther
Biden Admin Re-Revises Trump's Definition of 'Habitat', by Kyle Barr for Earther
Biden Wrote a Stern Letter to Oil Refiners. His Government Should Take Over the Industry Instead., by Kate Aronoff for The New Republic
Spurred by the Supreme Court, a Nation Divides Along a Red-Blue Axis - The New York Times, by Jonathan Weisman
The Supreme Court limits the EPA's ability to regulate greenhouse gases. It won't save coal plants. - Vox, by Rebecca Leber and Umair Irfan
Environmentalists condemn Biden administration’s offshore drilling plan by Edward Helmore for the Guardian
After Accidentally Starting Huge Wildfire, Forest Service Admits It's Stumped by Climate Change, by Lauren Leffer for Earther
After the G7 Summit, Germany's Climate Envoy Says Rich Countries Are Still Falling Short | The Nation, by Mark Hertsgaard
The Supreme Court's West Virginia v. EPA ruling on carbon dioxide emissions isn't the only legal attack on the environment - Vox, by Umair Irfan and Neel Dhanesha
The SEC did a sensible thing on climate change. A right-wing campaign is trying to kill it, by Rebecca Leber for Vox
Airliners Powered by Sustainable Fuel Remain a Distant Goal - The New York Times, by Peter Wilson
Exxon's Rainbow Smokescreen | Atmos, by Emily Sanders
How 6 Supreme Court Justices Undid Decades of Progress in Just 6 Weeks, by Paul Blest
Supreme Court EPA Decision Will Accelerate Climate Change | Teen Vogue, by John Paul Mejia
California Requires Plastics Makers to Foot the Bill for Recycling - The New York Times, by Winston Choi-Schagrin
Marjorie Taylor Greene Says Climate Change Is 'Healthy for All of Us', by Molly Taft for Earther
Clean Energy Tax Credits Are Broken—and That's How Joe Manchin Likes It | The New Republic, by Kate Aronoff
What the World Bank Can Do for Climate Change - The New York Times, by Manuela Andreoni
Justice is Justice is Justice
The farmers restoring Hawaii's ancient food forests that once fed an island | Grist, by Nina Lakhani for Grist
Listening as a Radical Act | Atmos, by Daphne Chouliaraki Milner
The Native Citizenry | Atmos, by Ruth Robertson
“Handshake Activism” Won't Defuse the Climate Emergency | The Nation, by Bill McKibben
Redefining Gender in the Amazon | Atmos, by Madeline Gregory
The First Item on the G7 Agenda Should Be to Cancel the Global South's Debt, by Rohan Montgomery for The New Republic
Native Growers Can Help the US Meet Its Climate Goals. Will the New Farm Bill Offer Enough Support? | The Nation, by Danielle Renwick
Extreme heat puts workers in danger. A new report calls for action. | Grist, by Joseph Lee for Grist
Give Us Abortions In National Parks, by Molly Taft for Earther
LA Votes to Return Bruce's Beach, Taken From Black Family, by Angely Mercado for Earther
'Perfect storm' of crises is widening global inequality, says UN chief | Climate crisis | The Guardian by Karen McVeigh for the Guardian
'Condemning everyone alive': outrage at US supreme court climate ruling by Ayurella Horn-Muller for the Guardian
Glimmers of Hope
The Joy of Saving the World | The New Republic, by Liza Featherstone
The Silver Lining in the Supreme Court's Decision to Limit Carbon Emission Regulations | The New Republic, by Kate Aronoff
The Supreme Court's EPA decision could have been much worse | Grist, by Shannon Osaka
Climate in Culture
What It Really Takes to Get Food to Your Plate, by Angely Mercado for Earther
Google Expands Carbon Emissions Calculator for Gmail, Docs, by Lauren Leffer for Earther
Food Prices Are Up. A "Bean New Deal" May Be the Answer. | The Nation, by Matthew Miles Goodrich
A Windfall Tax on Covid Profits Could Ease the Catastrophic Food Crisis | The Nation, by Fiona Harvey
Social Media Influencers Get Media Attention on Climate Change — Grassroots Activists Don't | Teen Vogue, by Amber X. Chen and Alexia Leclercq
Why Is There a Sriracha Shortage? Drought Is Causing Food Shortages | Teen Vogue, by Victoria Namkung
Baratunde Thurston Wants You to Be Part of Nature. Right Now, by Ariel Felton for The New York Times
Iconic Mount Everest Base Camp Is Moving Due to Climate Change, by Becky Ferriera for Vice
Where Does the Climate Movement Go Next? - The New York Times, by Lauren Jackson
Climeworks is building a bigger carbon removal plant — and getting some new competition | Grist, by Emily Pontecorvo
Climate Change Is Shifting How Plants Evolve. Seed Banks May Have to Adapt, Too, by Lauren Leffer for Earther
9 Invasive Plants You Should Rip to Shreds, by Angely Mercado for Earther
In and Through the Body, by Willow Defebaugh for Atmos
Climate Activist Vic Barrett on Wonder, Transformation, and Storytelling | Atmos, by Yessenia Funes
Upside Down | Atmos, by Lea Colombo
For Your Pleasure | Atmos, by Willow Defebaugh
Climate change role clear in many extreme events but social factors also key, study finds by Sofia Quaglia for the Guardian
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